Where is captain dadis camara

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ON TV. On social media. Diakite said Camara ordered the massacre at a pro-democracy rally where numerous witnesses and human rights groups say people were killed and soldiers raped several women. A UN commission had travelled to Guinea to investigate the massacre. The commissioners interviewed Camara and Diakite — and the argument between the two broke out soon after Diakite was interrogated, prompting several people close to the junta to say that the altercation centred on which of the two would take the blame for the massacre in front of the UN.

Diakite's statement confirmed this version of the events. Human rights groups have named Diakite as one of the commanders most responsible for the massacre. Witnesses told the Associated Press they saw him ordering the killings inside a stadium. Along with most of the other senior opposition leaders, Diallo himself was abroad, mustering support for regional pressure on Dadis.

It was their influence, in part, that had encouraged the sanctions against Dadis and his cohort. He was rescued and led to safety by Tiegboro, the chief of the anti-drug commandos. Bangoura and his boss, Diallo, had also been at the stadium on September 28th, and Bangoura told me that he had watched as the Red Berets opened fire on people.

In the chaos, he and Diallo had been separated from one another, but he had managed to find his way out without being hurt.

Diallo had been beaten by the Red Berets, however, and was among those led out of the stadium by Toumba. With international sanctions in effect, and an official United Nations investigation into the September 28th massacre under way, Dadis decided to name his own commission of inquiry. Everyone watched in silence as they were sworn in, as if the performance itself were some kind of justice fulfilled.

I had been invited to meet with the Minister of Justice, Colonel Siba Lohalamou, and he led me from the courtroom into his office, past his receptionist, who was watching cartoons on TV with several other women. He added that the September 28th incident had begun and ended in ten minutes.

I was keenly aware, with both Dadis and Lohalamou, that I was listening to men who were desperately trying to concoct an alibi. In his telling, the Forces Vives had somehow become transformed into narco-terrorists and members of Al Qaeda.

One opposition leader I talked to, a professor from the University of Conakry, showed me a video clip that he said had been shot on September 28th. On the screen of his cell phone were jerky images of soldiers walking around with guns, while at their feet a group of terrified-looking civilians lay together on the ground. Nearby were bodies lying face down and still. He said, matter-of-factly, that he had seen people shot and stabbed to death in front of him.

If there was a precondition to holding elections, we would need to talk about the reformation of the Army. You can elect somebody, but the next day the soldiers will be out in the streets shooting their weapons. I asked Lohalamou what the punishment would be if Guinean soldiers were found guilty of rapes and murders at the stadium. Was the death penalty applied in Guinea?

Lohalamou nodded uneasily and said yes, it was; it was usually carried out by firing squad. Lohalamou was right about one thing: the soldiers certainly seemed out of control.

One afternoon as I was sitting in a government waiting room, a commando came in and put a DVD in the player in the entertainment system.

He then removed his holstered pistol and flopped down on a sofa near me. A movie began playing on a large plasma television screen on the wall. At one point, a slim blond man named Mike captures a young native girl, perhaps twelve years old, and strips off her top.

Mike urges a woman named Pat to torture the girl and hands her a knife. In the end, Mike shoots and kills the girl. Finally, Mike and Pat are caught by the Amazonian cannibals, who torture them slowly until they die.

The commandos came and went, lingering, in some cases, to watch. None of them seemed aware that their choice of entertainment might be seen as inappropriate after they had been accused of participating in a massacre in which women had been sexually tortured and killed. Drugs have infiltrated the military and the government throughout the region. In neighboring Guinea-Bissau, the President and the defense chief were assassinated on the same day last year, in what many believe was drug-related violence.

And late last week, in a struggle between military factions, soldiers arrested the prime minister and the chief of the armed forces. In Guinea, the soldiers were unpredictable in their behavior. I got into my car as quickly as possible, and the soldiers walked off into an alleyway. Along with Toumba and the Red Berets, Tiegboro and his men had been singled out by Human Rights Watch for their involvement in the September 28th massacre. Like Dadis and Lohalamou, he blamed the opposition leaders for the massacre and said that he had personally warned them not to hold their demonstration.

Even so, he said, he had gone out of his way to rescue some of them. He claimed that agents provocateurs had been hired by anti-government forces to shoot into the crowd. At that moment, two detainees were brought into the room. One of them was a young man wearing a Presidential-guard uniform, complete with a red beret. He looked terrified and began to weep as Tiegboro told me that he had been arrested wearing the uniform but was not a member of the Presidential guard.

He was believed to be one of the alleged stadium shooters. I asked Tiegboro if I could speak to the suspect, who stared at me wide-eyed, crying, but Tiegboro said no, and waved for him to be led out.

A few days after our first encounter, I met Dadis again. That morning, an excursion we were to have taken together, to Kindia, a city in the interior, had been abruptly cancelled. Late in the day, he summoned me, apologized for the aborted trip, and told me that his intelligence service had learned that his opponents in Kindia had been planning to disrupt the visit with violence.

Dadis was wearing a green jumpsuit with military medals and decorations pinned to the breast pockets. In April he had asked to attend his mother's funeral, but he said official channels turned him down so he entered the country unofficially via Liberia to get to his village.

Explaining about his failed attempt on Wednesday, he said the captain of the commercial flight had been diverted to Ghana. President Conde, who won elections in , Guinea's first democratic vote since gaining independence from France in , is running again in October. Guinea country profile. Did Guinea democracy activists give their lives in vain?

Can Guineans grab hold of democracy?